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Demographics of Kyrgyzstan
Population of Kyrgyzstan (in millions) from 1950-2009
Population	5,776,500 (2014 est.)[1]
Density	27.4/km2; 71/sq mi
Growth rate	1.32/1,000 population (2010 est.)
Birth rate	22.88 births/1,000 population (2010 est.)
Death rate	2.69 deaths/1,000 population (2010 est.)
Life expectancy	69.43 years
• male	65.53 years
• female	73.64 years (2009 est.)
Fertility rate	2.65 children born/woman (2010 est.)
Infant mortality rate	31.26 deaths/1,000 live births
Age structure
0–14 years	23.6%
15–64 years	62.9%
65 and over	6.2%
Sex ratio
At birth	1.05 male(s)/female
Under 15	1.04 male(s)/female
15–64 years	0.96 male(s)/female
65 and over	0.64 male(s)/female
Nationality
Nationality	Kyrgyzstani
Major ethnic	Kyrgyz
Minor ethnic	Russian, Uzbek, Dungan, Uyghur
Language
Official	Kyrgyz, Russian
Spoken	Kyrgyz, Russian

A Yurt and family

The Demographics of Kyrgyzstan is about the demographic features of the population of Kyrgyzstan, including population growth, population density, ethnicity, education level, health, economic status, religious affiliations, and other aspects of the population. The name Kyrgyz, both for the people and the country, means "forty girls" or "forty tribes", a reference to the epic hero Manas who unified forty tribes against the Oirats, as symbolized by the 40-ray sun on the flag of Kyrgyzstan.

Demographic trends

Musicians

Population density of Kyrgyzstan, 2015 ^[2]

Kyrgyzstan's population increased from 2.1 million to 4.8 million between the censuses of 1959 and 1999.^[3] Official estimates set the population at 5.2 million in 2007.^[1] Of those, 34.4% are under the age of 15 and 6.2% are over the age of 65. The country is rural: only about one-third of Kyrgyzstan's population live in urban areas. The average population density is 69 people per square mile (29 people per km²).

The nation's largest ethnic group are the Kyrgyz, a Turkic people, which comprise 70.9% of the population (2009 census). Other ethnic groups include Russians (9.0%) concentrated in the north and Uzbeks (14.5%) living in the south. Small but noticeable minorities include Dungans (1.9%), Uyghurs (1.1%), Tajiks (1.1%), Kazakhs (0.7%) and Ukrainians (0.5%), and other smaller ethnic minorities (1.7%). Of the formerly sizable Volga German community, exiled here by Joseph Stalin from their earlier homes in the Volga German Republic, most have returned to Germany, and only a few small groups remain. A small percentage of the population are also Koreans, who are the descendants of the Koreans deported in 1937 from the Soviet Far East to Central Asia.

Kyrgyzstan has undergone a pronounced change in its ethnic composition since independence.^[4][5] The percentage of ethnic Kyrgyz increased from around 50% in 1979 to nearly 70% in 2007, while the percentage of European ethnic groups (Russians, Ukrainians and Germans) dropped from 35% to about 10%.^[1][3]

The Kyrgyz have historically been semi-nomadic herders, living in round tents called yurts and tending sheep, horses and yaks. This nomadic tradition continues to function seasonally (see transhumance) as herding families return to the high mountain pasture (or jailoo) in the summer. The retention of this nomadic heritage and the freedoms that it implies continue to affect the political atmosphere in the country.

Vital statistics

Births and deaths

Statistics are taken from the United Nations Demographic Yearbook, the National Statistical Committee of the Republic of Kyrgyzstan, the Demographic Annual of the Kyrgyz Republic, and Demoskop Weekly.^{[6][7][8][9][10][11]}

Vital statistics

^[12]

Live born children:

• January-September of 2017: 112,328 (24.3)


• January-September of 2018: 123,367 (26.2)

Dead:

• January-September of 2017: 24,634 (5.3)


• January-September of 2018: 24,406 (5.2)

Natural increase:

• January-September of 2017: 87,694 (19.0)


• January-September of 2018: 98,961 (21.0)

Total fertility rate

2.65 children born/woman (2009 est.)

The differences in the number of children by nationality are significant:^[4][5]Uzbeks (3.0 children), Tajiks (3.0 children), Turks (2.9), Kyrgyz (2.9), Dungans (2.8) Russians (1.7), Koreans (1.7), Germans (1.8), Ukrainians (2.1), Tatars (2.1), Kazakhs (2.3) and Ugyhurs (2.5).^[3] The TFR for Russians, Ukrainians, Germans, and Koreans in Kyrgyzstan are considerably higher than in their home countries, possibly due to the much lower cost of living.^{[citation needed]}

Ethnic groups

According to the 1999 census,^[3] the ethnic composition of the population was as follows: Kyrgyz 72.6%, Uzbeks 14.4%, Russians 6.4%, Dungans 1.1%, Uyghurs 0,9%, other 3.6%, including Koreans 0.4% and Germans 0.4% (among them Low German-speaking Mennonites). Most Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars, Germans, and Koreans lived in northeast, especially around the city of Karakol. Most of the Dungans and Ugyhurs are found along the Chinese border. Most of the Tajiks and Uzbeks live in the south. The emigration of non-Turkic people to Russia, Ukraine, and Germany is now negligible, in part because most of them left prior to 1999.^{[citation needed]} For example, the number of Germans has fallen by over 90% between the 1989 and 2009 censuses.

The table shows the ethnic composition of Kyrgyzstan's population according to all population censuses between 1926 and 2009. There has been a sharp decline in the European ethnic groups (Russians, Ukrainians, Germans) and also Tatars since independence (as captured in the 1989, 1999 and 2009 censuses).

CIA World Factbook demographic statistics

Data from CIA World Factbook unless otherwise indicated.^[21]

Ethnic groups

• 
  Kyrgyz 73.2%


• 
  Uzbek 14.6%


• 
  Russian 5.8%


• 
  Dungan 1.1%


• Other 5.3% (includes Uyghur, Tajik, Turk, Kazakh, Tatar, Ukrainian, Korean, German) (2017 est.)

Languages

• 
  Kyrgyz (official) 71.4%


• 
  Uzbek 14.4%


• 
  Russian (official) 9%


• Other 5.2% (2009 est.)

Religions

• 
  Islam 75%


• 
  Russian Orthodox 20%


• Other 5%.

Sex ratio

at birth:
1.06 male(s)/female

0-14 years:
1.05 male(s)/female

15-24 years:
1.03 male(s)/female

25-54 years:
0.96 male(s)/female

55-64 years:
0.77 male(s)/female

65 years and over:
0.62 male(s)/female

total population:
0.96 male(s)/female (2017 est.)

Infant mortality rate

total: 25.9 deaths/1,000 live births

male: 30 deaths/1,000 live births

female: 21.5 deaths/1,000 live births (2017 est.)

Life expectancy at birth

total population:
70.9 years

male:
66.8 years

female:
75.4 years (2017 est.)

Nationality

noun:
Kyrgyzstani(s)

adjective:
Kyrgyzstani

Literacy

definition:
age 15 and over can read and write

total population:
99.5%

male:
99.6%

female:
99.4% (2015 est.)

Gender in Kyrgyzstan

In the Soviet period, Kyrgyz women experienced a shift toward the public sphere, with three quarters of women undertaking labor outside the home.^[22] Kyrgyzstan has seen a return to more traditional gender roles in the post-Soviet period, though women continue to be influential in Kyrgyz culture and society.^[23] With the transition away from collective farming and state-controlled enterprises, women lost both formal employment and accompanying support services, many of which were run by a majority female staff.^[22] In many rural areas men will migrate out their villages and towns in order to find work, which results in a higher concentration of women, children, and elderly, who still adhere to a strong patrilineal descent system.^[23] Women regulate this patriarchal descent system through storytelling and family history, naming, selecting marriage partners for their sons, and remaining in the household of their parents-in-law, even while their male relatives are away.^[23] The current context for gender relations in Kyrgyzstan reflects a combination of Soviet and post-soviet influence, moderate Islam, and nomadic heritage, in which women play a significant role.^[24] Though Kyrgyzstan has made significant advancements in education and health in relation to other nations, gender-based violence and maternal healthcare pose challenges to development in the country.   

Gender Statistics

Kyrgyz women offering butter and salt

Kyrgyzstan women's national football team in 2013

In the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Report, Kyrgyzstan is number eighty-five in a list of 144 countries ranked based on four categories of indicators: Economic Participation and Opportunity, Educational Attainment, Health and Survival, and Political Empowerment.^[25] According to its country scorecard in the same report, Kyrgyzstan has reached or nearly reached parity in the broad categories of Education Attainment and Health and Survival.^[25] However, in Economic Participation and Political Empowerment, Kyrgyzstan has yet to near parity. There are no laws in place mandating non-discrimination or equal pay, and women make on average 11,700 in local currency compared to men's 15,600. According to the UN Development Programme Comparative Gender Profile, Kyrgyzstan has a rate of 39.6 adolescent births to every 1,000 births in the country, higher than only Azerbaijan among the CIS countries.^[26] 49.4% of women participate in the labor market, compared with men's 77.1%.^[26] As of 2017, women held 19.2% of seats in the national parliament.^[26]

Gender-based Violence

Despite progress in education and health, Kyrgyzstan struggles with gender-based violence against women and members of the LGBTQ+ community.^[24] Domestic violence is prevalent in the country, with one study finding that 23% of all women aged 15-49 years have experienced physical violence at least once, 1 in 4 married women has been physically abused, and more than 50% of all women surveyed had suffered physical injury or other persistent health issue from domestic violence.^[24] The study suggests that cultural notions of marriage, divorce, and in-law relationship prevent victims of abuse from seeking help.^[24] The recent devaluation of women in families and social value linked with shame and honor enables domestic violence, a phenomena experienced globally, not only in Kyrgyzstan.^[24] A recent Human Rights Watch report uncovered a lack of action on behalf of women reporting abuse and assault by the Kyrgyz government and police.^[27] Despite a law passed against family violence and subsequent praise from the UN, women rarely come forward to report domestic violence, facing an unsympathetic culture.^[27] Police are reticent to respond to emergency calls reporting abuse and judges tend to emphasize maintaining a family over separating an abuser from a victim of domestic violence. Oppositional arguments and expenses have prevented the passage of an additional domestic violence bill.^[27] According to According to the UN Development Programme Comparative Gender Profile, 60% of rural marriages in mono-ethnic regions are conducted through bride kidnapping, or 'ala kachuu.'^[26] Furthermore, roughly 2/3 of those marriages lack consent from the bride and 24% of marriages are of under-age individuals.^[26]

In recent years, Kyrgyzstan, and its capital Bishkek in particular, has become increasingly dangerous for queer individuals. In 2014, the Kyrgyz state began to pass legal reforms that implemented a more conservative agenda concerning gender expression and sexuality.^[28] In 2017, legislation that would ban “propaganda of nontraditional sexual relations” was introduced to parliament for a second reading.^[28] Young LGBTQ+ people struggle to find safe places to meet and often face extreme violence in retaliation for violating accepted notions of gender and sexuality.^[28] Cisgender queer individuals often conceal their sexuality in Kyrgyzstan in order to protect themselves from harassment, limited economic opportunity, and violence. However, people identifying as transgender struggle to remain inconspicuous, being most vulnerable to violence and corrective rape.^[29] Transgender Kyrgyz often choose to migrate to Russia where the larger urban spaces offer a higher level of anonymity.^[29] Although anti-gay laws, such as the prohibition of promoting ‘non-traditional sexual relations’ to children, have contributed to rise of harassment and violence against the queer community in Russia, Russian police do not target transgender people as they do in Kyrgyzstan.^[29]

Maternal Health

In Kyrgyzstan, the under-five mortality rate dropped from 40/1000 live births in 1993 to 23/1000 in 2012.^[30] However, as of 2017, Kyrgyzstan still had the highest maternal mortality rate among the Commonwealth of Independent States.^[26] As of 2015, Kyrgyzstan was not on schedule to complete its Millennium Development Goal from the UN concerning maternal health.^[30] According to data published by the World Bank, maternal mortality had only decreased from 85/100,000 deaths per live birth in 1990 to 75/100,000 deaths in 2015.^[31] Socioeconomic issues are significant factor in maternal health and antenatal health.^[30] Poor and rural women far less likely to have access to the minimum amount of care during pregnancy recommended to prevent maternal mortality.^[30] A United Nations study concluded that maternal fatalities in Kyrgyzstan were preventable.^[32] While the budget for maternal health has increased through donor funding, the proportion of the national health budget for maternal health has decreased from 9.9% to 7.9%.^[30] In Kyrgyzstan, a lack of skilled doctors and obstetric specialists combined with a low rate of modern contraception use has made pregnancy a risk for mothers.^[30]

Bride kidnapping

According to a press release by the UN, 13.8% of women under the age of 24 were married under some form of coercion.^[33] It goes on to state that ala kachuu, or bride kidnapping, is not a longstanding Kyrgyz cultural practice and is a violation of human rights.^[33] There is an active discussion among scholars of Central Asia and Kyrgyzstan concerning the origins, significance, and ethics of bride kidnapping. Some argue that the rise in bride kidnapping is linked with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the formation of a Kyrgyz male ethnic identity.^[34] Others argue that bride kidnapping does not necessarily constitute a crime and can be a form of performance that resolves intergenerational tensions around love and marriage.^[35] While multiple motivations may exist for a kidnapped woman to accept a marriage, traditional values surrounding marriage and virginity put her in danger of losing her reputation and future marriage partners should she refuse.^[36] According to a study of birth weight and marriages resulting from bride kidnapping, babies born from kidnap-based marriages weigh between 2% and 6% below those from arranged marriages with no coercion.^[37] While ala kachuu is technically illegal and punishable by up to ten years in prison if the kidnapped woman is underage, it is rarely reported or prosecuted.^[37]

See also

• Demography of Central Asia

References